Ambulance Dispute - Support day 30 January 1990

The Battle to Save - St Leonards Hospital (Hackney)

Demonstration 26th September 1983

St Leonard's, (Hackney) Hospital Occupation 3rd July 1984 - 16th July 1984

In 1979 despite opposition in the form of a day of action and a a march attended by over one thousand people, St Leonard's Hospital (Hackney) A and E Department was closed.

By the early 1980's the future of the whole hospital was looking bleak, by late 1983 the Health Authority was actively looking to close the hospital under pressure from a Conservative Government keen to make cuts. A large rally was organised to oppose closure plans on 26th September 1983  addressed by Rodney Bickerstaffe  NUPE General Secretary and Tony Benn MP, 

At a Health Authority meeting to ratify the cuts and closures at Hackney Town hall on that day ( 26th September 1983) the Health Authority and its multi millionaire, Jockey Club chairman Louis Freedman were overwhelmed in a turbulent day of protest culminations in them being forced to abandon the meeting after the town hall surrounded by thousands of angry locals opposing the closure plans,   

As Millionaire President Louis Freedman refused to use his casting vote to settle the closure issue, demonstrates demanded increasingly vocally that he use his vote (To save the hospital) in his prevaricate to vote the doors to the Council chamber were barred and padlocked after a 20 minute stand off he was escorted out of the building with the help of local Labour MP Brian Sedgemore.

Freeman who lived in a central London penthouse and had private health insurance said in the Daily Mail "We might as well be living in a dictatorship"

The incident was labelled a riot in the Evening Standard and Daily Mirror, and while their was an attempt to keep the Board members in the meeting and to stop them voting in private, not one person was reported as being injured on either side.

The disturbance was carried on all the main news channels that night and newspapers the next day and ensured health moved nationally up the political agenda.

On the 7th June 1984 Norman Fowler, Tory Secretary of State announced his decision to close all wards and remove all beds at St Leonard's and leave just a first aid unit and  a handful of community based services.

 In response a small working group was established by the staff and Hackney health emergency  to look into the possibility of the 180 staff working at St Leonard's organising an occupation or work-in of the hospital

A decision was made to occupy the hospital on the 3rd July 1984

The occupation was ratified by a staff meeting of eighty staff on 4th July

But by the  5th July (NHS Day) the management had somehow managed to secure and issue writs and summons against the key stewards. As NUPE had not made the occupation official, and fearing an injunction (similar to that used against the Miners) NUPE officers removed NUPE placards and began to distance themselves from the occupation..
 
The legal situation must have been worrying for staff and the union,  because it was against the backdrop of anti union legislation which was still confusing and unstable. 
So on the 16th July management reposed the hospital, sending in security staff  and bailiffs (probably illegally) to end the occupation.

In the next three days management systematically interviewed staff and reps and suspended key stewards.


However, local trade unionists organised  a picket line has been maintained 24 hours a day outside the hospital and the drivers from the London Ambulance Station  refused to move the patients out

Not satisfied with victimising local  union representatives,and intimidating other members of staff involved in in the occupation, the management also seem to have gone out of their way to make life uncomfortable as possible for the patients remaining in the hospital (who refused to move, by threatening legal action).

After the Occupation was smashed and in order to proceed with their closure plans against management employed a whole private army of security guards.
This gang of mercenaries, as one local campaigner described them, cost the Health Authority almost £1,000 a day, money which was desperately needed to restore the crumbling services in the District.

There were also horrific reports of frail, elderly patients being bundled out in the early morning or late at night, driven to other hospitals, torn away from staff they knew and their possessions being sent on much later because they hadn't been told they were to be permanently moved.

So ended another brave attempt to defend the peoples health service in Hackney.

 

Hospital Closurers

Poplar Hospital closed in 1975
Metropolitan Hospital closed in 1976
Plaistow Maternity hospital closed in 1977 (after an occupation)
Invalid and Crippled Cchildren's hospital closed 1977
Bethnal Green Hospital 1978 (Occupation June 1976-Dec 1978) saved

Key NUPE People involved

Dorothy Hardon NUPE Area Officer
Ian Barber NUPE Area Officer
Jim Bewsher NUPE Area Officer
Harry Barker NUPE London Divisional Officer
Godfry Eastwood NUPE Asst London Divisional Officer

Morris Kollander NUPE Branch Secretary St Barts
Mike Gamble NUPE Secretary Group Six Hospitals

Geoff Craig NUPE Steward

Ambulance Dispute - Hillingdon 1989-1990

Ambulance Dispute 1989-1990

Ambulance workers enjoyed unprecedented levels of public support during the six-month dispute as opinion polls found more than four out of five people consistently backed the unions.

Successive Gallup polls for the Daily Telegraph found even a majority of Conserative voters felt Health Secretary Kenneth Clarke should come up with more cash as he took the brunt of the blame for the disruption to patient services.

Electors said they would even be prepared to pay a little more income tax to fund a deal, while other health service staff, including nurses, disclosed that they would not demand an equal pay rise if ambulance crews and control room staff were awarded more than the going rate.

Such sympathy was evident daily by the millions of pounds that filled the buckets
thrust forward by the ubiquitous, fluorescent-jacketed ambulance staff that became as much a part of shopping centres as Boots and McDonalds.

TUC General Secretary Norman Willis told how would-be queue-jumpers were ordered to the back of the line while he waited patiently to add his name (no doubt again) to the record-breaking petition.

All good stuff for the unions but, of course, it was never ordained to be so, as prevous disputes involving NHS workers in the 1970s and early 1980s demonstrated.

This time round the five unions involved COHSE, NUPE, TGWU, NALGO and GMB — paved the way for their own success by breaking new ground with a slick public relations campaign that went further than any previously used by a workforce during a dispute.

The initiative was seized with a strategy that had its effect on the wider world of statements and actions worked out, instead of merely addressing the troops, and realised the importance of newspaper, radio and TV in getting a message across.

Once a groundswell of public opinion had been generated, every opportunity was taken to portray the crews and not the Government as the patient's friend and to hammer home a simple message.

Initiatives were repeatedly launched to make the running rather than merely provide reaction which, by staying one step ahead, often wrong-footed the Government and kept the Departmental of Health on the defensive for much of the time.

Frequent press conferences, a national demonstration, the petition, a quarter-hour of action and even a hunger strike kept the dispute in the public eye when it might have been forgotten.

The unity displayed by the five unions and the absence of what for the NHS used to be traditional in-fighting, rivalry and factionalism allowed a united front to be displayed which forced journalists to look towards the Government for splits and divisions.

In that vein, tasks were allocated to avoid repetition and confusion. NUPE's Roger Poole, the chief negotiator, became the public voice and was constantly in the media, modelling a new hair cut and a businessman's suit to look as well as sound the part.

Meanwhile, COHSE's Bob Abberley beavered away behind the scenes in Parliament to put crucial political pressure on Ministers which was as important.

Several years ago everyone would have been clamouring to appear on TV as they jockeyed for status and, no doubt, future members. Now a trio of those involved, COHSE, NUPE and NALGO, could end up merging — partly as a result of the demonstration that they can work together.

The two immediate goals of the dispute

— a substantial pay rise and new pay machinery — were constantly pressed home in simple, relevant terms by the unions, while other issues such as local bargaining and privatisation which the public would either not understand or have less sympathy with were left in the background.

Opinion polls showed that the ambulance worker-supporting public did not know what the Government's offer was or how the pay mechanism demanded would work. But what they did believe was that crews were worth more, and the new system would just about rule out future industrial action.

The employers, on the other hand, varied their official spokesman between Kenneth Clarke, NHS chief executive Duncan Nichol, and David Rennie, who chairs the employers' side on the Whitley Council negotiating body, with the result that apparent differences of opinion were interpreted as splits.

In many respects the unions' public relations campaign set a model for others to follow and established standards by which they will be judged in the future.

The strategy was not entirely new, although the effective use of the latest communications technology which meant Poole and Abberley could always be reached for an instant quote did break new ground.

After all. National Union of Railwaymen General Secretary Jimmy Knapp
projected himself very successfully last summer as the passengers' friend in the confrontation with BR over pay and bargaining rights by hammering home a simple message and making it relevant to the wider travelling public rather than limiting the dispute to the interests of his members.

And the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions hired a PR firm with close links to the labour movement to get their message across in the shorter working week campaign.

But the five national negotiators, dubbed the "famous five" for the way they often appeared together and even started wearing matching overcoats, took PR a significant step further.

The dispute was right for the tactics. Ambulance workers had a reasonable it not a good case and have a high public profile because of the life-and-death nature of the job. The timing of the dispute was also right in that the polls had already started to move against the Government, which the unions were able to capitalise on.

Flashing blue lights and 999 sirens provided excellent TV pictures in particular and the service has something of a glamorous image for outsiders.

Further, crews used to dealing with the public in high-pressure situations adapted
well to the glare of TV lights and, judging by the number of local stunts launched,
actually liked the media attention.

Running a similar campaign on behalf of other low-paid groups such as ancillary workers — however deserving — will not be as easy. But the lessons are there and should be learnt.

Splits and in-fighting in the union camp would have been reported. Violent picketing and clashes with the police would have made attention-grabbing TV pictures. Disputes will be covered in the form they occur. It's up to the unions how they want to run their campaigns, but if it's public opinion they want on their side, they could do worse than copy the ambulance workers.

Kevin Maguire is the Daily Telegraph labour correspondent.

He writes here in a personal capacity.

COHSE Journal May 1990

NOTES

In my experience, this was undoubtedly one of the best led strikes in the NHS, the ability to use the media and the discipline of local Ambulance union reps and members was key to winning and maintaining public support.

The hub of the dispute was undoubtedly London and West London in particular most notably Park Royal, Feltham, Twickenham and Hillingdon ambulance stations.

Crews in Birmingham, Merseyside and Dorset were also very strong

The tactic of slowly increasing pressure on employer (overtime bans, emergencies only etc) forced the management in frustration to effectively “lock out” ambulance staff by refusing to send any calls to these stations and bring in the Army.

The Crews responded by occupying the ambulance stations as they did at Hillingdon, the management being forced to issue injunctions, but with little effect.

Elsewhere, in the country, Ambulance management in many areas did not follow London’s tactics and the crews remained at work, allowing them to secure even more support and money for those “locked out”.

Nine weeks into the dispute the Health Service Journal reported that an estimated 27 out of 44 ambulance services were operating a 999 only service.

Kenneth Clarke’s remarks that ambulance workers were little more than “professional drivers” totally incensed the crews.

On January l3th 1990 75,000 attended a TUC national demonstration in support of the ambulance workers and on 30^th January a day of solidarity, when South London bus drivers came out on strike.

While the dispute was not a total success, the public was confident the unions had rightly won and gave a big fillip of confidence to NHS trade unionists.

Roger Poole was an excellent public speaker and with a CP background understood the need to keep both the public and the members on side. Bob Abberley became know as “Rogers bag carrier” and Jeanette Roe COHSE Regional Officer did Stirling work with Pete Marshall COHSE Regional Secretary in galvanising COHSE members in London.

As the ambulance service had been initially part of Local Government( London County Council) most staff in London were members of NUPE 70-80%. However COHSE had from 1964 built up a small but significant membership based around the leadership of Bill Dunn at Hanwell, West London (The other key COHSE branch being at Park Royal)

The Ambulance dispute started October 1989 – March 1990 and lasted six months

The Great Ambulance petition secured 4.5 million signatures

Pictures of the Ambulance dispute in Hillingdon (Marion Way NUPE Ambulance Steward) in Uxbridge town centre collectining signaturers, on the front line at Hillingdon ambulance station, lastly army ambulance at Hillingdon Hospital

The Ambulance Strike 1989-1990

In November 1989 Ambulance crews at Hillingdon, Heathrow and Pinner were suspended during the Ambulance pay dispute of 1989-1990.

They had refused to cover non-emergency calls as did 68 other London stations

All were suspended and police and army were brought in to cover both emergency and non-emergency
However, suspended ambulance crews continued to provide an emergency service with a dedicated phone line/ Including a plea from staff at mount Vernon to take a severely injured car crash victim to Charring Cross Hospital.

The first local Army ambulance was used in Pinner on November 13th
The staff maintained a vigil at Hillingdon Ambulance station as well as collecting signatures in Uxbridge town centre.

The Ambulance staff had huge public support and the campaign was well run by union leader Roger Poole of NUPE. The success of which helped in securing at least a partial victory on pay and a rare defeat for the Conservatives

Local Stewards
Marion Way (NUPE)
John Drewery (COHSE)

Ambulance Dispute 1989-1990

Ambulance workers enjoyed unprecedented levels of public support during the six-month dispute as opinion polls found more than four out of five people consistently backed the unions.

Successive Gallup polls for the Daily Telegraph found even a majority of Conservative voters felt Health Secretary Kenneth Clarke should come up with more cash as he took the brunt of the blame for the disruption to patient services.

Electors said they would even be prepared to pay a little more income tax to fund a deal, while other health service staff, including nurses, disclosed that they would not demand an equal pay rise if ambulance crews and control room staff were awarded more than the going rate.

Such sympathy was evident daily by the millions of pounds that filled the buckets
thrust forward by the ubiquitous, fluorescent-jacketed ambulance staff that became as much a part of shopping centres as Boots and McDonald's.

TUC General Secretary Norman Willis told how would-be queue-jumpers were ordered to the back of the line while he waited patiently to add his name (no doubt again) to the record-breaking petition.

All good stuff for the unions but, of course, it was never ordained to be so, as previous disputes involving NHS workers in the 1970s and early 1980s demonstrated.

This time round the five unions involved COHSE, NUPE, TGWU, NALGO and GMB — paved the way for their own success by breaking new ground with a slick public relations campaign that went further than any previously used by a workforce during a dispute.

The initiative was seized with a strategy that had its effect on the wider world of statements and actions worked out, instead of merely addressing the troops, and realised the importance of newspaper, radio and TV in getting a message across.

Once a groundswell of public opinion had been generated, every opportunity was taken to portray the crews and not the Government as the patient's friend and to hammer home a simple message.

Initiatives were repeatedly launched to make the running rather than merely provide reaction which, by staying one step ahead, often wrong-footed the Government and kept the Departmental of Health on the defensive for much of the time.

Frequent press conferences, a national demonstration, the petition, a quarter-hour of action and even a hunger strike kept the dispute in the public eye when it might have been forgotten.

The unity displayed by the five unions and the absence of what for the NHS used to be traditional in-fighting, rivalry and factionalism allowed a united front to be displayed which forced journalists to look towards the Government for splits and divisions.

In that vein, tasks were allocated to avoid repetition and confusion. NUPE's Roger Poole, the chief negotiator, became the public voice and was constantly in the media, modelling a new hair cut and a businessman's suit to look as well as sound the part.

Meanwhile, COHSE's Bob Abberley beavered away behind the scenes in Parliament to put crucial political pressure on Ministers which was as important.

Several years ago everyone would have been clamouring to appear on TV as they jockeyed for status and, no doubt, future members. Now a trio of those involved, COHSE, NUPE and NALGO, could end up merging — partly as a result of the demonstration that they can work together.

The two immediate goals of the dispute

— a substantial pay rise and new pay machinery — were constantly pressed home in simple, relevant terms by the unions, while other issues such as local bargaining and privatisation which the public would either not understand or have less sympathy with were left in the background.

Opinion polls showed that the ambulance worker-supporting public did not know what the Government's offer was or how the pay mechanism demanded would work. But what they did believe was that crews were worth more, and the new system would just about rule out future industrial action.

The employers, on the other hand, varied their official spokesman between Kenneth Clarke, NHS chief executive Duncan Nichol, and David Rennie, who chairs the employers' side on the Whitley Council negotiating body, with the result that apparent differences of opinion were interpreted as splits.

In many respects the unions' public relations campaign set a model for others to follow and established standards by which they will be judged in the future.

The strategy was not entirely new, although the effective use of the latest communications technology which meant Poole and Abberley could always be reached for an instant quote did break new ground.

After all. National Union of Railwaymen General Secretary Jimmy Knapp
projected himself very successfully last summer as the passengers' friend in the confrontation with BR over pay and bargaining rights by hammering home a simple message and making it relevant to the wider travelling public rather than limiting the dispute to the interests of his members.

And the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions hired a PR firm with close links to the labour movement to get their message across in the shorter working week campaign.

But the five national negotiators, dubbed the "famous five" for the way they often appeared together and even started wearing matching overcoats, took PR a significant step further.

The dispute was right for the tactics. Ambulance workers had a reasonable it not a good case and have a high public profile because of the life-and-death nature of the job. The timing of the dispute was also right in that the polls had already started to move against the Government, which the unions were able to capitalise on.

Flashing blue lights and 999 sirens provided excellent TV pictures in particular and the service has something of a glamorous image for outsiders.

Further, crews used to dealing with the public in high-pressure situations adapted
well to the glare of TV lights and, judging by the number of local stunts launched,
actually liked the media attention.

Running a similar campaign on behalf of other low-paid groups such as ancillary workers — however deserving — will not be as easy. But the lessons are there and should be learnt.

Splits and in-fighting in the union camp would have been reported. Violent picketing and clashes with the police would have made attention-grabbing TV pictures. Disputes will be covered in the form they occur. It's up to the unions how they want to run their campaigns, but if it's public opinion they want on their side, they could do worse than copy the ambulance workers.

Kevin Maguire is the Daily Telegraph labour correspondent.

He writes here in a personal capacity.

COHSE Journal May 1990

NOTES

In my experience, this was undoubtedly one of the best led strikes in the NHS, the ability to use the media and the discipline of local Ambulance union reps and members was key to winning and maintaining public support.

The hub of the dispute was undoubtedly London and West London in particular most notably Park Royal, Feltham, Twickenham and Hillingdon ambulance stations.

Crews in Birmingham, Merseyside and Dorset were also very strong

The tactic of slowly increasing pressure on employer (overtime bans, emergencies only etc) forced the management in frustration to effectively “lock out” ambulance staff by refusing to send any calls to these stations and bring in the Army.

The Crews responded by occupying the ambulance stations as they did at Hillingdon, the management being forced to issue injunctions, but with little effect.

Elsewhere, in the country, Ambulance management in many areas did not follow London’s tactics and the crews remained at work, allowing them to secure even more support and money for those “locked out”.

Nine weeks into the dispute the Health Service Journal reported that an estimated 27 out of 44 ambulance services were operating a 999 only service.

Kenneth Clarke’s remarks that ambulance workers were little more than “professional drivers” totally incensed the crews.

On January l3th 1990 75,000 attended a TUC national demonstration in support of the ambulance workers and on 30^th January a day of solidarity, when South London bus drivers came out on strike.

While the dispute was not a total success, the public was confident the unions had rightly won and gave a big fillip of confidence to NHS trade unionists.

Roger Poole was an excellent public speaker and with a CP background understood the need to keep both the public and the members on side. Bob Abberley became know as “Rogers bag carrier” and Jeanette Roe COHSE Regional Officer did Stirling work with Pete Marshall COHSE Regional Secretary in galvanising COHSE members in London.

As the ambulance service had been initially part of Local Government( London County Council) most staff in London were members of NUPE 70-80%. However COHSE had from 1964 built up a small but significant membership based around the leadership of Bill Dunn at Hanwell, West London (The other key COHSE branch being at Park Royal)

The Ambulance dispute started October 1989 – March 1990 and lasted six months

The Great Ambulance petition secured 4.5 million signatures

Pictures of the Ambulance dispute in Hillingdon (Marion Way NUPE Ambulance Steward) in Uxbridge town centre collecting signatures, on the front line at Hillingdon ambulance station, lastly army ambulance at Hillingdon Hospital